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What cognitive properties change as the income vary?

What cognitive properties change as the income vary?


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Yesterday I made a guess: That perhaps there is a lock in some income classes - that there may be a trend that could get them stuck in there. But it's only a guess, I have no proof for such afirmation.

So are there cognitive differences for people on different income classes (such as rich and poor) that somehow get them stuck in there?

I'm not sure if this question is really on-topic here, but I guess this site could be a first trial. There's also something that I'd like to point out: My native languange is not english, and I've experienced sensitivity when dealing with such matters with inapropriate words: If my words were inapropriate, I didn't mean to be mean, I just don't have a good vocabulary. I also really don't know how to tag this question - If you know better tags, please edit.


Sociology is the study of how we organize ourselves into groups. Common areas of specification in sociology are social stratification, social class, social mobility, religion, secularization, law, and deviance.

Your question specifically is about social mobility which is the movement of peoples between lower, middle and upper classes. It is commonly thought that education allows from vertical social mobility though an achieved status but that isn't accurate. A more advanced educational system than what is currently employed by the university system is necessary to advance socially.

Now about the specific cognitive difference:

  1. In school, learning tends to be separate from relationships. In the situated learning of poverty, learning occurs in the context of relationships.
  2. In school, learning is abstract (represented on paper or computer), verbal (words are relied upon almost exclusively), and proactive (students must plan). In the situated learning environment of poverty, learning is based on sensory data, it relies on nonverbal data as much as verbal, and it is reactive. The two worlds are diametrically opposed.
  3. In poverty, survival is a crucial skill. In formalized schooling, achievement is the crucial attribute. Survival means the ability to live in the “tyranny of the moment.” It also means one doesn't develop a future story.
  4. School success is highly dependent on a student having an external support system. Often we find that students from poverty are the support system for the family and have very little support for themselves.
  5. The intergenerational transfer of knowledge is a huge factor in school success. In a study in Australia that followed more than 8,500 children for 14 years, researchers found they could predict with reasonable accuracy the verbal reasoning scores of 14‐year‐olds based on the maternal grandfather's occupation (Najman et al., 2004). In other words, the greater the language with young children, the greater their potential (see also No. 7 below).
  6. The development of the pre‐frontal cortex, which is the executive function of the brain (impulse control, working memory, planning), generally is not developed by the environment of generational poverty. In a study released in 2008 using EEG (electroencephalogram) scans with poor and middle‐class children, researchers found that the prefrontal cortex of the brain in poor children was undeveloped and resembled the brains of adults who have had strokes (Kishiyama, Boyce, Jimenez, Perry, & Knight, in press). The researchers went on to say that the prefrontal cortex can be developed through intervention.
  7. Poverty tends to be heavily dependent upon casual register, whereas school is heavily dependent upon formal register. Hart and Risley (1995) found in their research that the average 4‐year‐old in a professional household has heard 45 million words, while a 4‐year‐old in a welfare household has heard 13 million words. In fact, they found that a 4‐year‐old in a professional household has more vocabulary than an adult in a welfare household (Hart & Risley).
  8. In any situated learning environment, there is a set of “hidden rules” that individuals tend to follow. Those “hidden rules” are usually not articulated, but they are equated with intelligence.Poverty has a differentset of “hidden rules” frommiddle class and a differentsetfromwealth. One set is not better than another; the sets of hidden rules are simply different and help you survive in a given environment.

-How the Environment of Poverty (Having Fewer Resources) Impacts Cognition and Learning

Stress is thought to be the mechanism by which the brain of poor children is degraded.

A massive literature documents the inverse association between poverty or low socioeconomic status and health, but little is known about the mechanisms underlying this robust relation. We examined longitudinal relations between duration of poverty exposure since birth, cumulative risk exposure, and physiological stress in two hundred seven 13-year-olds. Chronic stress was assessed by basal blood pressure and overnight cortisol levels; stress regulation was assessed by cardiovascular reactivity to a standard acute stressor and recovery after exposure to this stressor. Cumulative risk exposure was measured by multiple physical (e.g., substandard housing) and social (e.g., family turmoil) risk factors. The greater the number of years spent living in poverty, the more elevated was overnight cortisol and the more dysregulated was the cardiovascular response (i.e., muted reactivity). Cardiovascular recovery was not affected by duration of poverty exposure. Unlike the duration of poverty exposure, concurrent poverty (i.e., during adolescence) did not affect these physiological stress outcomes. The effects of childhood poverty on stress dysregulation are largely explained by cumulative risk exposure accompanying childhood poverty.

-Childhood poverty and health: cumulative risk exposure and stress dysregulation.


Psychologist - Ph.D Salary in the United States

How much does a Psychologist - Ph.D make in the United States? The average Psychologist - Ph.D salary in the United States is $105,544 as of May 27, 2021, but the range typically falls between $94,965 and $118,531. Salary ranges can vary widely depending on many important factors, including education, certifications, additional skills, the number of years you have spent in your profession. With more online, real-time compensation data than any other website, Salary.com helps you determine your exact pay target.

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75th Percentile Psychologist - Ph.D Salary $118,531 US May 27, 2021
90th Percentile Psychologist - Ph.D Salary $130,356 US May 27, 2021

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Schools and childcare

Unfortunately, continual innovation in the design of schools and classrooms throughout the world is typically not based on evidence, instead reflecting current trends in architecture and design (Lackney, 2005). Much of instructional facility innovation at present is driven by the infusion of information technology into learning environments. Although this practice has some potential benefits, we simply do not know how to train teachers and designers in the use and configuration of learning environments to take advantage of the affordances offered by information technology in schools. This explosion of learning technologies in the West inevitably will be transported to the global South. Yet evidence to date from low-income countries indicates no clear impacts of exposure to computers and other related technologies on children’s academic achievement (Glewwe, Hanushek, Humpage, & Ravina, 2011 Riddell, 2008).

There is a significant body of research investigating the impacts of school quality on children’s school achievement (Evans, 2006 Glewwe et al., 2011 Irwin, Siddiqi & Hertzman, 2007 Riddell, 2008). However, as is true for the work on home environments, little research has specifically investigated the impacts of the physical environment of schools on children’s developmental outcomes, particularly in the global South. Most research in the US and Europe on the physical characteristics of educational settings has focused on open versus traditional plan configurations (Evans, 2006). Because this issue has tangential relevance at best to children throughout most of the world, we focus here instead on school and classroom size the quality of building infrastructure (structural quality, lighting, and indoor climate, and access to electricity, water and sanitation) and access to basic resources (classroom furniture, blackboards, books, computers, laboratories and libraries), as these have the clearest documented impact on children’s school achievement in the global South (Glewwe et al., 2011 Riddell, 2008).

School and classroom size

There is a large body of research on school and classroom size. Because nearly all of this work has been conducted within the US and Western Europe, we do not know what happens when much larger scale schools or bigger classrooms occur. Although there is some variation across regions, primary school pupil-teacher ratios (PTRs) in the global South are typically much higher than those in the global North. For example, compare PTRs of 81:1 (Central African Republic), 76:1 (Malawi), 611 (Chad) and 58:1 (Rwanda) to 18:1 (UK), 14:1 (US) and 13:1 (Germany) (World Bank, 2012). Notably, though, PTRs in East Asia and the Pacific (average: 17.9:1) and Latin America (22:1) are much lower than in South Asia (40:1) and sub-Saharan Africa (42.5:1).

Students in smaller schools in the US and Western Europe perform slightly better on standardized tests and feel more connected to their school (Evans, 2006). There is some evidence that the benefits of smaller school size are greater for low-income children, and for children in lower grades (Woessmann & West, 2006). Similarly, classroom size research yields a relatively consistent picture of small, adverse effects on children in both high- and low-income countries with increasing size (Blatchford, 2003 Ehrenberg, Brewer, Gamoran, & Willms, 2001 Woessmann & West, 2006). For example, in an investigation of linkages between school physical quality and rural Kenyan first grade children’s cognitive functioning and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the number of students per classroom predicted levels of off-task behavior and teachers’ ratings of general behavioral functioning. There is also some evidence that smaller classrooms support more student- as opposed to teacher-directed learning and, similar to school size, are associated with more socially supportive settings (Blatchford, 2003 NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2004).

It is worth noting that both school and classroom size are confounded with crowding. Work on household size and density shows that the critical variable is density, not family size (Evans, 2006). Insufficient work exists to tease apart school/class size from crowding.

Physical quality

A surprisingly large number of school spaces for American children are in disrepair. In a 2000 survey of school principals in 32 countries in both the global North and South, nearly 30% of US principals noted that the quality of their school’s buildings and grounds impacted student learning, and almost 40% noted the same for available instructional space (Ahlehfeld, 2007). Estimates were much higher for the majority of other participating countries, including the United Kingdom, Norway, Turkey, Uruguay and the Slovak Republic. In the global South, the majority of rural schools in particular have inadequate building facilities, including a lack of finished flooring (Glewwe et al., 2011 Riddell, 2008). In many countries, half to two thirds of schools lack electricity, water, and basic sanitation facilities (UNICEF, 2010). For example, the 2005 UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report found that just 39% of classrooms in Senegal had sanitation facilities, and even fewer (33%) had access to drinking water.

One important limitation in most work on educational settings and student achievement, however, is over-reliance on school professionals’ ratings of building quality. Since teachers and administrators are well aware of children’s achievement profiles in their own schools and are themselves likely affected by building quality, the potential for spurious associations in this measurement approach is considerable. However, assessments of building quality conducted by independent raters (e.g., structural engineers) have also been consistently associated with standardized test scores (Evans, 2006). Further strengthening these conclusions are several studies comparing performance before and after building improvements (Evans, 2006). In two recent studies utilizing the New York City school facilities building quality database, Duran-Narucki (2008) showed that the significant association between these expert rating measures of school building quality and academic achievement in elementary school children was largely mediated by attendance. Moreover children in New York City primary schools with higher rates of student mobility suffer even worse achievement outcomes as a function of substandard school facilities (Evans, Yoo, & Sipple, 2010).

Given that nearly all of the research on school facility quality and student performance emanates from wealthy countries where the range of school quality is truncated, this is an area of particular importance to examine in the global South where the range of quality is considerably broader. And, in fact, improvements in the physical structure of schools in the global South do appear to positively impact students’ test scores (Glewwe et al., 2011). However, the research to date in this area is very tentative, and typically the schools being compared have multiple factors that differ in quality, making it difficult to clearly identify individual influences on children’s outcomes.

In a recent meta-analysis of the research to date on the impact of school quality, including both physical and psychosocial factors, on children’s school achievement in low-income countries, Glewwe et al. (2011) found that there appears to be good evidence for the impact of access to electricity on children’s educational outcomes. And, in their investigation of the relations between school physical quality and rural Kenyan first grade children’s cognitive functioning and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the availability of natural light (in schools without electricity) predicted students’ test scores. In high-income countries, where lighting is typically sufficient, research has focused more on potential benefits of exposure to natural light. Although the work on natural light exposure and children’s health and performance is limited, some rigorous work suggesting the potential importance of natural light for young children has been conducted in Sweden (Küller & Lindsten, 1992). These investigators found evidence for the importance of sufficient natural light exposure for primary school children’s well being during periods of the year when daylight hours are limited.

In North America, upper respiratory infections, asthma and allergies are the most common cause of primary school absenteeism and have been routinely linked to exposure to mold and other allergens as well as ambient pollutants inside both schools and children’s homes (EPA, 2003). Poorly maintained heating and ventilation systems as well as low levels of indoor:outdoor air exchange exacerbate these adverse indoor climate impacts on children (Evans, 2006). Although work in this area in the global South is limited, similar impacts of poor quality ventilation and heating would be expected.

Consistent with the bioecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998), in addition to focusing on the direct effects of school setting physical conditions on children themselves, it is important to keep in mind that substandard working conditions influence labor satisfaction and retention, and the same holds true for teachers. Several studies have shown that poor quality school physical conditions adversely influence teacher satisfaction and retention (Buckley et al., 2004).

Resources

In the global South, there is some evidence that access to basic resources in school environments, such as a sufficient number of desks, tables and chairs access to blackboards access to textbooks and other books and the availability of a school library all impact children’s school achievement (Glewwe et al., 2011 Riddell, 2008). However, frequently these physical environment factors are correlated with each other and with other physical and psychosocial factors such as class size, building quality and teacher training, and so it can be difficult to clearly identify key factors impacting child outcomes. In addition, the mechanism explaining learning outcomes is somewhat unclear perhaps the availability of these resources partly signals a commitment on the part of the school administration and relevant local and national government agencies to quality education (Glewwe et al., 2011). Nevertheless, a number of carefully controlled studies across multiple contexts document the importance of having a desk, chair and textbook per student. For example, in their investigation of the relations between school physical quality and rural Kenyan first grade children’s cognitive functioning and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the number of books per student independently predicted standardized test scores.

In preschool and childcare settings across the global South, there is a growing interest in improving the quality of both physical and psychosocial environments for children (Engle et al., 2007 Hyde & Kabiru, 2003 Irwin et al., 2007 Myers, 1992 van der Gaag & Tan, 1998). And, indeed, the most commonly used assessment of the quality of childcare environments, the Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale (ECERS, Harms, Clifford & Cryer, 1998), includes two rating scales that assess children’s interactions with the physical environment: Space and Furnishings and Activities (which includes both the availability of learning materials and their use). However, although a significant body of research in the United States indicates an association between childcare quality and children’s cognitive and socioemotional outcomes (e.g., Sylva et al., 2006), there is little research that considers the impact of the physical environment directly.

There is almost no work documenting the impact of the quality of childcare environments on children’s developmental outcomes in the global South. However, as part of a preschool intervention program in rural Bangladesh, Moore, Akhter and Aboud (2008) implemented a series of changes, including increasing the availability of learning materials for reading and mathematical problem-solving. They found that preschool scores on the Activities subsection of the ECERS-R increased, and that children’s cognitive outcomes and school readiness improved. However, it should be noted that the Activities subscale does not separate the availability of learning materials from their use. In addition, many researchers in the global South debate the applicability of the ECERS-R in evaluating childcare and preschool quality in non-Western contexts (Aboud, 2006 Moore et al., 2008).


4. Implications of the Cognitive Phenomenology Debate

What are the implications of the cognitive phenomenology debate? Why should we care about cognitive phenomenology?

One issue that arises from the cognitive phenomenology debate concerns the trustworthiness of introspection. If there is a cognitive phenomenology, then the opponents have overlooked a range of phenomenal states that they enjoy. On the other hand, if there is no cognitive phenomenology, the proponents have been positing a range of phenomenal states that they do not enjoy (Bayne & Montague 2011). Such considerations may lead us to question the reliability of introspection (Schwitzgebel 2008).

The cognitive phenomenology debate also has implications for the general debate about consciousness, since there are certain theories of consciousness that are at odds with the existence of cognitive phenomenology. For example, accounts that identify phenomenal states with intentional states with non-conceptual contents (see Tye 1995). Such views are not compatible with thoughts having a distinctive phenomenal character, since the content of a thought is conceptual.

Further, the cognitive phenomenology debate has implications for our view on the relationship between phenomenology and intentionality. Proponents of phenomenal intentionalism take phenomenology to be the source of intentionality (Kriegel 2013, Mendelvici 2018). Most proponents of phenomenal intentionalism hold that there is a cognitive phenomenology. If phenomenology is the source of intentionality, cognitive phenomenology is the source of the intentionality of cognitive states. If there is no cognitive phenomenology, the proponents of phenomenal intentionalism need to tell a different story of how phenomenology can be the source of the intentionality of cognitive states.

The cognitive phenomenology debate also has implications for the debate about whether consciousness can be naturalized. If only sensory states are phenomenal states, naturalizing cognition is part of what Chalmers (1996) labels ´the easy problem of consciousness`, while naturalizing conscious sensory states is part of ´the hard problem of consciousness`. The easy problems of consciousness are those that can be solved (in the future) by using the standard methods of cognitive science. Whereas the hard problem is that of explaining phenomenal consciousness (see “The Hard Problem of Consciousness”). If there is a cognitive phenomenology, the hard problem of consciousness becomes more expansive as it will include both sensory and cognitive phenomenal states. Arguably, therefore, if there is a cognitive phenomenology, naturalizing consciousness becomes harder. However, the hard problem remains ´hard` whether we accept that there is a cognitive phenomenology or not. If arguments convince us that there is a cognitive phenomenology, we should accept these independently of the fact that it has the consequence of expanding the hard problem.


KEY TERMS

Autism — A developmental disability that appears early in life, in which normal brain development is disrupted and social and communication skills are retarded, sometimes severely.

Cognition — The act or process of knowing or perceiving.

Egocentric — Limited in outlook to things mainly relating to oneself or confined to one's own affairs or activities.

Learning disabilities — An impairment of the cognitive processes of understanding and using spoken and written language that results in difficulties with one or more academic skill sets (e.g., reading, writing, mathematics).

Metacognition — Awareness of the process of cognition.

Schemas — Fundamental core beliefs or assumptions that are part of the perceptual filter people use to view the world. Cognitive-behavioral therapy seeks to change maladaptive schemas.

Stanford-Binet intelligence scales — A device designed to measure somebody's intelligence, obtained through a series of aptitude tests concentrating on different aspects of intellectual functioning. An IQ score of 100 represents "average" intelligence.


OPINION article

The concept of flow, an experience of total engagement in an activity, was introduced into psychology by Csikszentmihalyi (1975) based primarily on first-hand accounts in a variety of domains. He found examples in physical activities such as rock climbing, sports (where it is also known as being in the zone), games such as chess, religious rituals, occupational activities such as surgery, and creating in the arts (creative flow). Csikszentmihalyi (1999) described the elements of the flow experience this way: The sense of having stepped out of the routines of everyday life into a different reality (See also Schutz, 1945), clear goals every step of the way, immediate feedback, effortless attention, action and awareness merged, balance between skill and challenge, time distortion, and spontaneity. These properties are cognitive they are relevant to the study of problem representation (Newell et al., 1958 Pretz et al., 2003), automatic vs. controlled cognitive processes (Schneider and Shiffrin, 1977 Meier et al., 2003), time perception (Zakay and Block, 1996), and modes of cognition (Evans, 2008).

Csikszentmihalyi (1999) also noted common cognitive contents no longer present no distractions such as what Smallwood and Schooler (2006) called mind-wandering, no fears of failure (Clark et al., 1956), none of the usual self-consciousness of everyday life (Schutz, 1945). Csikszentmihalyi also recognized a paradox with respect to control: Flow feels effortless with no conscious sense of controlling what emerges, but, given flow's characteristics, he assumed that “one has to be in control of the activity in order to experience it” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1999, p. 825).

Flow has been a robust subject for research and theorizing (Engeser, 2012 Harmat et al., 2016). The general assumption has been that the features of flow did not differ from one domain to another (see Cseh, 2016, for an exception). Experimental research has been centered on activities that can be easily observed, controlled and varied in the laboratory such as computer gaming. (See, for example, Klasen et al., 2012). That study confirmed the elements of flow as Csikszentmihalyi (1975) first described them.

Among the domains for which a flow experience has been described are those in the creative arts—writing (Perry, 2009), painting (Banfield and Burgess, 2013), and musical composition (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975). Evidence is emerging that the flow experienced by those creating in domains of the arts (creative flow), while sharing most of the properties Csikszentmihalyi wrote about, also has a few properties that distinguish it from flow in other domains. Interviews with visual artists suggested that in this domain, goals, which are part of problem representations, are not clear (Mace, 1997). One artist told her, “You really don't know where you are going” (p. 274). In another interview study, Cseh (2017) concluded that clear goals, sense of control, and unambiguous feedback were not typically part of fine artists' flow experiences.

Doyle (1998) noted another feature of creative flow: that what emerges is often surprising to the maker. One writer told about writing a story about a man who, in the scene being written, was lying in bed with his wife. As he was speaking of his son, his wife interrupted and said, “Is it happening again…Jimmy's not real” (Doyle, 1998, p. 33). The author, who had assumed the son was real, was startled out of flow with the unexpected realization that the son the husband had been speaking of was only his delusion.

Furthermore, creative flow involves meaning-making, as Csikszentmihalyi's own interview with a writer suggested.

It's just an extended present…in which you are making meaning. And dismantling meaning and remaking it (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996, p. 121).

The meaning making happens in a rush as the term flow implies. A composer gave this description when asked how it felt when his work was going well:

“…My hand seems devoid of myself, and I have nothing to do with what is happening. I just sit there watching in a state of awe and wonderment. And the music just flows out by itself.” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975, p. 44).

Thus, unclear goals, uncertain feedback, the possibility of surprise, and rapid meaning-making are cognitive properties of creative flow along with properties shared with other flow domains: taking place in a reality outside the everyday, effortless attention, action and awareness merged, balance between skill and challenge, time distortion, spontaneity, non-distractibility and no self-consciousness or personal fears.

Descriptions of creative flow are based on interviews probably for this reason, its features have not been considered in laboratory-based accounts of cognition. Yet, as Ward (2001) proposed, important advances can come from a convergence approach, drawing on both laboratory research and first-hand accounts. This article looks at the features of creative flow in relation to other cognitive phenomena. The article argues that this analysis will broaden and complicate understanding of the possibilities of cognition. The complexities emerge as the properties of creative flow are considered in relation to those of type 1 vs. type 2 cognition convergent vs. divergent thinking, incubation and insight, all topics that have been the subject of extensive laboratory research and theorizing.


How Income Inequality Affects Crime Rates

The connection between income inequality and crime rate is a subject that has baffled many social scientists, economists, and even those in the legal and justice systems. This is because of recent developments in the directions of these two issues: in the United States, for instance, crime rate has been on a decline since the 1960s. On the other hand, since the 1970s, income inequality has been soaring.

Experts cite factors such as differences in monetary valuation over time (with references to inflation, purchasing power, consumer price index), and the faster expansion in wealth distribution gap in the last few years.

On the enforcement side, expansion and modernization of the police force, improved apprehension system, stricter implementation of punishments, changes in legal and justice systems, and general advancements in education, values and societal norms and conducts account for the lesser crime rate. There are also negative factors involved such as low crime reporting and undocumented offenses.

Income Inequality as Determinant of Crime Rate

How big is income inequality or financial deprivation as a determinant of crime rate? In studies where economic data are isolated and solely used, the connection seems to be overwhelming.

In a 2002 study by World Bank economists Pablo Fajnzylber, Daniel Lederman, and Norman Loayza, it was found out that crime rates and inequality are positively correlated within countries and also between countries. The correlation is a causation &ndash inequality induces crime rates.

This finding is parallel with the theory on crime by American economist Gary Becker, who pronounces that an increase in income inequality has a big and robust effect of increasing crime rates. Not only that, but a country&rsquos economic growth (GDP rate) has significant impact in lessening incidence of crimes. Since reduction in income inequality gap and a richer economy has an alleviating effect on poverty level, it implies that poverty alleviation has a crime-reducing effect.

The analysis may have been made clearer and simplified. The problem now lies on the two factors being able to produce the desired effects that are poverty alleviation and lesser crime rate. Reality presents the people with shaky economic growth and worsening income inequality.

The U.S., which ranks 3rd among the most income-unequal nations, and the worst in terms of income gap growth, also has the largest percentage of its population in prison among industrialized democratic nations. Is it a mere coincidence or does it reflect the social ills that a big wealth disparity and overt rich-poor distinction brings?

Wealth Gaps and Crime Rate

In the 2010 International Statistics on Crime and Justice report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), datasets show that globally, violent (murder, homicide, assault, rape, robbery) and property crimes (theft, robbery, arson) have taken different directions. While property crimes generally decreased, violent crimes have increased but on a lesser pace.

The highest homicide levels are found in the Americas and Africa region, with the lowest homicide levels generally in countries in Europe. Majority of countries that provided trend data show decreasing or stable homicide rates. However, the Latin Americas show high and increasing rates, and these are linked to prevalence of organized crime, gang activities, and drug trafficking.

The U.S. reports a continuous decrease in crime rates in the last 4 years for violent crimes (murder, homicide, rape, robbery) and 8 years for property crimes (burglary, theft, arson). Nationwide in 2010, there were an estimated 1,246,248 violent crimes, with robbery accounting for 29.4 percent of this category, costing $532 million in total, or an average loss of $1,258 per victim. Property crime numbered at 9,082,887.

Homicide. The same UNODC report showed that the 2012 worldwide rate for intentional homicide, or the unlawful death purposefully inflicted on a person by another person, was at 6.9, or 7 out of every 100,000 population.

There is low homicide levels in countries from Europe, Asia, and North America, which correspond to these regions&rsquo criminal justice and public health data. In contrast, both criminal justice and public health data show significantly higher rates in South America, Central America, the Caribbean, and Southern Africa.

Murder. In the offense of murder, income inequality and crime level can be noted as reciprocal in trend. Again, countries in the high income inequality belt in the African region, Honduras (91.6), El Salvador (69.2), Jamaica (52.2), Belize (41.4) and South America (Venezuela 45.1) have the highest rates per 100,000 population, while countries in Europe (Monaco 0, Iceland 0.3, Norway 0.6), Oceania (Palau 0), Eastern Asia (Hong Kong 0.2, Singapore 0.3) have the lowest.

Per country, Mexico which ranks worst in income inequality has a very high 22.7 rate, compared to the U.S. with a much lower rate of 4.8. Here, enforcement, law and justice systems, among others, come into play.

Rape. The same connection is seen in the incidence of rape, which is considered the most under-reported violent crime. Compilations of United Nations reports from 65 countries showed that over 250,000 cases of rape or attempted rape were recorded by the police annually. Varying definitions of this crime also lessen the reports and documentation for this crime.

South Africa leads the world with the worst income inequality and highest rape incidence at 500,000 annually. In the US, despite a 60 percent decline since 1993, it still has a higher rate of rape cases when compared to other developed countries. Prevalence of prison rape is seen as a factor.

It is also interesting to note that Sweden, which has a good performance in income inequality mitigation, registered the highest incidence of rape in Europe, and among the highest in the world, with 46 rape cases per 100,000 in 2009 (twice that of the U.K. and four times the rate of Nordic countries, Germany and France. Swedish authorities cited the manner of reporting as the reason for the high documentation since the country has a broader legal definition of rape and a firm policy to register all suspected cases.)

Robbery. As differentiated from theft, it also included mugging, bag-snatching and theft with violence. This crime was most common in the Americas (Latin America and Caribbean) with a rate of 21 percent. The 35 countries included in the UNODC report showed increasing rate of robbery parallel to an increase in assault over a 10-year period. Robbery and assault are among the most commonly reported crimes in neighborhoods and communities that are predominantly poor.

While there are varying determinants, when it comes to economic factors, a parallel direction can be clearly seen on a global and per-nation analysis. Places with high income inequality have higher incidence of crime and people living in poorer communities with majority of population among low income earners are exposed to more crimes.

Likewise, the consistency displayed by income inequality and crime rate levels show that people and places considered as lower in economic and social class have higher crime rates than wealthier groups.

The Role of Income Inequality Reduction

Reducing crime rate is a heavy load not only for law enforcers but also for the community. Important improvements in law enforcement and justice system keep the prevalence of crimes at bay, instilling the fear of punishment and apprehension consequences that deter aggressors and offenders from committing criminal acts.

These, however, do not provide the motivation to change ways. The will and intent to become productive and contributing members of society can be provided by actions addressing income inequality. Solutions like better wages, job security and availability, better access to self-development programs, and family support services will help eradicate desperation that lead most income-deprived people to commit crimes, and move them to aspire for a better way of life.

Where income inequality is concerned, efforts at reducing income gap will provide the long-term solutions to the crime problem, both within the poor and unsecured neighborhoods as well as to crimes targeted at richer residents.

Addressing the problem of income inequality will complement efforts by the law and justice system to bring about crime rate reduction, resulting to a safer, more peaceful and more orderly communities.


Social Science Contributions to Public Health: Overview

Knowledge and attitudes

In terms of sheer volume, the bulk of social science research and practice has centered on cognitive factors related to health and illness. There are a number of reasons for this. First, the most accessible, simplest, and least costly variables to measure are cognitive perceptions, attributions, attitudes, and knowledge can be studied through survey and interview techniques. Second, until recently, the prevailing paradigm for social research assumed that the most important obstacles to program success resided in the minds and dispositions of the target audience. Hence, the goal was to uncover faulty understandings so that correct information could be provided, thereby leading to more enlightened behavior. Third, psychological theories have strongly influenced research in this field, and anthropological approaches have also emphasized cultural beliefs as central. The combination of these influences has created a huge body of literature on cognitive factors in health. Some of the key concepts have been previously touched upon, such as basic health beliefs and attitudes, explanatory models of illness, and illness representations. Related concepts that have received particular attention include locus of control (e.g., internal vs. external to the individual), self-efficacy (perceived ability to successfully execute), expectancies (anticipated outcomes), and intentions (anticipated action). However, along with the volume of research on cognitive factors has come the recognition that beliefs often do not lead to behavior, and that it is necessary to study behavior itself and its varied influences.


Death and Dying

Figure 12. How people think about death, approach death, and cope with death vary depending on many factors. Photo Courtesy Robert Paul Young

The study of death and dying is seldom given the amount of coverage it deserves. Of course, there is a certain discomfort in thinking about death, but there is also a certain confidence and acceptance that can come from studying death and d ying. Factors such as age, religion, and culture play important roles in attitudes and approaches to death and dying. There are different types of death: physiological, psychological, and social. The most common causes of death vary with age, gender, race, culture, and time in history. Dying and grieving are processes and may share certain stages of reactions to loss. There are interesting examples of cultural variations in death rituals, mourning, and grief. The concept of a “good death” is described as including personal choices and the involvement of loved ones throughout the process. Palliative care is an approach to maintain dying individuals’ comfort level, and hospice is a movement and practice that involves professional and volunteer care and loved ones. Controversy surrounds euthanasia (helping a person fulfill their wish to die)—active and passive types, as well as physician-assisted suicide, and legality varies within the United States.

Try It

Think It Over

Think about your own development. Which period or stage of development are you in right now? Are you dealing with similar issues and experiencing comparable physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development as described above? If not, why not? Are important aspects of development missing and if so, are they common for most of your cohort or unique to you?


What to know about choosing a psychologist

Choosing a psychologist depends on the quality of their practice and the person’s individual preference. A person should find a qualified psychologist with experience in their area who they feel comfortable with.

The role of a psychologist is to help people with mental health conditions as well as other general life challenges. It is a position of responsibility.

A doctoral psychologist undergoes a huge amount of training to earn their qualification. They usually begin with 4 years of undergraduate study and 4 years of graduate study, followed by additional training and placements.

This article will discuss what a psychologist is, what they can help with, and how to choose one.

Share on Pinterest Image credit: sturti / Getty Images.

A psychologist is a type of doctor who specializes in mental health challenges.

Psychologists use a background in general science and the behavioral and neurosciences to help people pinpoint the reason they think, feel, or behave in a certain way.

From there, they will work toward finding the underlying cause or trigger. The psychologist can then help the person work through their problems and change their behaviors if they need to.

Psychologists work with people from a range of backgrounds and personal histories. Some are more general in their practice, while others specialize in certain areas.

A person may seek a psychologist’s help for various reasons. Reasons may be long-term, such as chronic depression, or short-term, such as grief.

Other examples include helping people cope with:

Some psychologists specialize or have experience in particular fields of study. A person should check to see if the psychologist has prior experience of the concern that they are seeking treatment for.

A good psychologist will be competent in their field and provide high quality therapy.

The American Psychological Association (APA) suggest that a good psychologist will consider a person’s:

A doctoral psychologist should carry a relevant license, having completed doctoral level training and placement.

Some states may recognize certain credentials, while others will not. This is something to check before choosing a psychologist, as their qualification may not be valid locally.

A psychologist who works well for one person may not have the same result with another. When choosing a psychologist, there are professional and personal factors that people should consider.

An effective psychologist will be able to work with a person’s individual needs, including the problem itself and how they deliver treatment.

Approaches

There are different approaches that a psychologist may use depending on the issue.

Choosing a psychologist with experience in the relevant field will increase the chance of a therapy plan working. This will partly depend on the type of treatment a person would like to undergo.

A psychologist may use consultations alone or include other methods, such as medication or hypnotherapy. However, it is important to note that psychologists cannot prescribe drugs in all states.

Relationship

A person must feel completely comfortable with their psychologist for the therapy to be effective. Having a good relationship makes it easier to open up about sensitive topics.

A psychologist may work in private practice or as part of another workplace. For example, a school or college campus may have a psychologist on site, and they often work in general hospitals.

Costs

Treatment fees vary depending on the healthcare environment and factors such as insurance.

Some health insurance companies cover mental health treatment, but this is not always the case. It is important to check an insurance policy to see if it covers psychological therapy.

If a person does not have health insurance, the psychologist may charge using a sliding scale fee policy. This means that they alter the fees depending on the person’s income.

Children’s brains are constantly developing, and there are many reasons that a person may take a child to see a psychologist. Whatever the situation, a child psychologist plays an important role.

It is essential to check the area that a child psychologist specializes in before starting treatment with them.

For example, a child psychologist may specialize in:

  • developmental child psychology
  • abnormal child psychology
  • adolescent psychology

These categories rely on different areas of competence and skill.

A developmental child psychologist will specialize in more typical situations, such as cognitive development, while an abnormal child psychologist will work with less common issues, such as mental health conditions. Adolescent psychologists will work with children aged 12–18 years.

Having an initial consultation will allow a person to see if they “click” with their psychologist. This is a good time to ask the more technical questions about the therapy.

The following are some things a person may wish to do during the initial consultation:

  1. Check what qualifications the psychologist holds. Also, make sure that they are state licensed.
  2. Ask the psychologist about their experience and interest within the field. This will make it easier to see if they are the right fit for the person.
  3. Enquire about fees. Check how much treatment will cost and whether or not insurance will cover it.
  4. Find out what the treatment plan involves. Is the therapy entirely consultation-based, or does the psychologist include any other techniques?

Do not be afraid to ask questions that seem uncomfortable. It is better to be confident in a psychologist and their ability from the start than to realize a mistake after the therapy has begun.

A psychologist can help with many problems. It may be a good idea to seek help if a person is experiencing extreme levels of:

A good indicator of when to seek help is if a mental health challenge is affecting a person’s daily activities, such as their sleep or work.

There are different areas that a psychologist may specialize in, such as child, cognitive, or behavioral psychology.

When finding a psychologist, a person should choose someone who has experience in the area they are looking for help with. It is also vital to establish a good connection with the psychologist, as they will need to understand personal details so they can help.

It is a good idea to ask plenty of questions in the first session with a psychologist. This will lower the chance of any unpleasant surprises, such as unexpected fees, later on.


Where Do Cognitive Behavioral Therapists Work?

Cognitive behavioral therapists can secure employment at a wide range of facilities. But this really depends on their specialty. Those who work on treating patients will generally find work at a mental health. Cognitive behavioral therapists who teach can find work at universities and while therapists who focus on research can acquire work at research facilities. Depending on the entrepreneurial spirit of the cognitive behavioral therapist, they may choose to start their own private practice. In doing so, they’ll work on analyzing and treating patients and may even serve as consultants during court cases.


4. Implications of the Cognitive Phenomenology Debate

What are the implications of the cognitive phenomenology debate? Why should we care about cognitive phenomenology?

One issue that arises from the cognitive phenomenology debate concerns the trustworthiness of introspection. If there is a cognitive phenomenology, then the opponents have overlooked a range of phenomenal states that they enjoy. On the other hand, if there is no cognitive phenomenology, the proponents have been positing a range of phenomenal states that they do not enjoy (Bayne & Montague 2011). Such considerations may lead us to question the reliability of introspection (Schwitzgebel 2008).

The cognitive phenomenology debate also has implications for the general debate about consciousness, since there are certain theories of consciousness that are at odds with the existence of cognitive phenomenology. For example, accounts that identify phenomenal states with intentional states with non-conceptual contents (see Tye 1995). Such views are not compatible with thoughts having a distinctive phenomenal character, since the content of a thought is conceptual.

Further, the cognitive phenomenology debate has implications for our view on the relationship between phenomenology and intentionality. Proponents of phenomenal intentionalism take phenomenology to be the source of intentionality (Kriegel 2013, Mendelvici 2018). Most proponents of phenomenal intentionalism hold that there is a cognitive phenomenology. If phenomenology is the source of intentionality, cognitive phenomenology is the source of the intentionality of cognitive states. If there is no cognitive phenomenology, the proponents of phenomenal intentionalism need to tell a different story of how phenomenology can be the source of the intentionality of cognitive states.

The cognitive phenomenology debate also has implications for the debate about whether consciousness can be naturalized. If only sensory states are phenomenal states, naturalizing cognition is part of what Chalmers (1996) labels ´the easy problem of consciousness`, while naturalizing conscious sensory states is part of ´the hard problem of consciousness`. The easy problems of consciousness are those that can be solved (in the future) by using the standard methods of cognitive science. Whereas the hard problem is that of explaining phenomenal consciousness (see “The Hard Problem of Consciousness”). If there is a cognitive phenomenology, the hard problem of consciousness becomes more expansive as it will include both sensory and cognitive phenomenal states. Arguably, therefore, if there is a cognitive phenomenology, naturalizing consciousness becomes harder. However, the hard problem remains ´hard` whether we accept that there is a cognitive phenomenology or not. If arguments convince us that there is a cognitive phenomenology, we should accept these independently of the fact that it has the consequence of expanding the hard problem.


KEY TERMS

Autism — A developmental disability that appears early in life, in which normal brain development is disrupted and social and communication skills are retarded, sometimes severely.

Cognition — The act or process of knowing or perceiving.

Egocentric — Limited in outlook to things mainly relating to oneself or confined to one's own affairs or activities.

Learning disabilities — An impairment of the cognitive processes of understanding and using spoken and written language that results in difficulties with one or more academic skill sets (e.g., reading, writing, mathematics).

Metacognition — Awareness of the process of cognition.

Schemas — Fundamental core beliefs or assumptions that are part of the perceptual filter people use to view the world. Cognitive-behavioral therapy seeks to change maladaptive schemas.

Stanford-Binet intelligence scales — A device designed to measure somebody's intelligence, obtained through a series of aptitude tests concentrating on different aspects of intellectual functioning. An IQ score of 100 represents "average" intelligence.


Psychologist - Ph.D Salary in the United States

How much does a Psychologist - Ph.D make in the United States? The average Psychologist - Ph.D salary in the United States is $105,544 as of May 27, 2021, but the range typically falls between $94,965 and $118,531. Salary ranges can vary widely depending on many important factors, including education, certifications, additional skills, the number of years you have spent in your profession. With more online, real-time compensation data than any other website, Salary.com helps you determine your exact pay target.

Percentile Salary Location Last Updated
10th Percentile Psychologist - Ph.D Salary $85,333 US May 27, 2021
25th Percentile Psychologist - Ph.D Salary $94,965 US May 27, 2021
50th Percentile Psychologist - Ph.D Salary $105,544 US May 27, 2021
75th Percentile Psychologist - Ph.D Salary $118,531 US May 27, 2021
90th Percentile Psychologist - Ph.D Salary $130,356 US May 27, 2021

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Psychological Pathways, LLC - Arlington Heights, IL

Sunbelt Staffing - Boulder, CO

Balanced Awakening PC - Chicago, IL

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OPINION article

The concept of flow, an experience of total engagement in an activity, was introduced into psychology by Csikszentmihalyi (1975) based primarily on first-hand accounts in a variety of domains. He found examples in physical activities such as rock climbing, sports (where it is also known as being in the zone), games such as chess, religious rituals, occupational activities such as surgery, and creating in the arts (creative flow). Csikszentmihalyi (1999) described the elements of the flow experience this way: The sense of having stepped out of the routines of everyday life into a different reality (See also Schutz, 1945), clear goals every step of the way, immediate feedback, effortless attention, action and awareness merged, balance between skill and challenge, time distortion, and spontaneity. These properties are cognitive they are relevant to the study of problem representation (Newell et al., 1958 Pretz et al., 2003), automatic vs. controlled cognitive processes (Schneider and Shiffrin, 1977 Meier et al., 2003), time perception (Zakay and Block, 1996), and modes of cognition (Evans, 2008).

Csikszentmihalyi (1999) also noted common cognitive contents no longer present no distractions such as what Smallwood and Schooler (2006) called mind-wandering, no fears of failure (Clark et al., 1956), none of the usual self-consciousness of everyday life (Schutz, 1945). Csikszentmihalyi also recognized a paradox with respect to control: Flow feels effortless with no conscious sense of controlling what emerges, but, given flow's characteristics, he assumed that “one has to be in control of the activity in order to experience it” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1999, p. 825).

Flow has been a robust subject for research and theorizing (Engeser, 2012 Harmat et al., 2016). The general assumption has been that the features of flow did not differ from one domain to another (see Cseh, 2016, for an exception). Experimental research has been centered on activities that can be easily observed, controlled and varied in the laboratory such as computer gaming. (See, for example, Klasen et al., 2012). That study confirmed the elements of flow as Csikszentmihalyi (1975) first described them.

Among the domains for which a flow experience has been described are those in the creative arts—writing (Perry, 2009), painting (Banfield and Burgess, 2013), and musical composition (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975). Evidence is emerging that the flow experienced by those creating in domains of the arts (creative flow), while sharing most of the properties Csikszentmihalyi wrote about, also has a few properties that distinguish it from flow in other domains. Interviews with visual artists suggested that in this domain, goals, which are part of problem representations, are not clear (Mace, 1997). One artist told her, “You really don't know where you are going” (p. 274). In another interview study, Cseh (2017) concluded that clear goals, sense of control, and unambiguous feedback were not typically part of fine artists' flow experiences.

Doyle (1998) noted another feature of creative flow: that what emerges is often surprising to the maker. One writer told about writing a story about a man who, in the scene being written, was lying in bed with his wife. As he was speaking of his son, his wife interrupted and said, “Is it happening again…Jimmy's not real” (Doyle, 1998, p. 33). The author, who had assumed the son was real, was startled out of flow with the unexpected realization that the son the husband had been speaking of was only his delusion.

Furthermore, creative flow involves meaning-making, as Csikszentmihalyi's own interview with a writer suggested.

It's just an extended present…in which you are making meaning. And dismantling meaning and remaking it (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996, p. 121).

The meaning making happens in a rush as the term flow implies. A composer gave this description when asked how it felt when his work was going well:

“…My hand seems devoid of myself, and I have nothing to do with what is happening. I just sit there watching in a state of awe and wonderment. And the music just flows out by itself.” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975, p. 44).

Thus, unclear goals, uncertain feedback, the possibility of surprise, and rapid meaning-making are cognitive properties of creative flow along with properties shared with other flow domains: taking place in a reality outside the everyday, effortless attention, action and awareness merged, balance between skill and challenge, time distortion, spontaneity, non-distractibility and no self-consciousness or personal fears.

Descriptions of creative flow are based on interviews probably for this reason, its features have not been considered in laboratory-based accounts of cognition. Yet, as Ward (2001) proposed, important advances can come from a convergence approach, drawing on both laboratory research and first-hand accounts. This article looks at the features of creative flow in relation to other cognitive phenomena. The article argues that this analysis will broaden and complicate understanding of the possibilities of cognition. The complexities emerge as the properties of creative flow are considered in relation to those of type 1 vs. type 2 cognition convergent vs. divergent thinking, incubation and insight, all topics that have been the subject of extensive laboratory research and theorizing.


Social Science Contributions to Public Health: Overview

Knowledge and attitudes

In terms of sheer volume, the bulk of social science research and practice has centered on cognitive factors related to health and illness. There are a number of reasons for this. First, the most accessible, simplest, and least costly variables to measure are cognitive perceptions, attributions, attitudes, and knowledge can be studied through survey and interview techniques. Second, until recently, the prevailing paradigm for social research assumed that the most important obstacles to program success resided in the minds and dispositions of the target audience. Hence, the goal was to uncover faulty understandings so that correct information could be provided, thereby leading to more enlightened behavior. Third, psychological theories have strongly influenced research in this field, and anthropological approaches have also emphasized cultural beliefs as central. The combination of these influences has created a huge body of literature on cognitive factors in health. Some of the key concepts have been previously touched upon, such as basic health beliefs and attitudes, explanatory models of illness, and illness representations. Related concepts that have received particular attention include locus of control (e.g., internal vs. external to the individual), self-efficacy (perceived ability to successfully execute), expectancies (anticipated outcomes), and intentions (anticipated action). However, along with the volume of research on cognitive factors has come the recognition that beliefs often do not lead to behavior, and that it is necessary to study behavior itself and its varied influences.


What to know about choosing a psychologist

Choosing a psychologist depends on the quality of their practice and the person’s individual preference. A person should find a qualified psychologist with experience in their area who they feel comfortable with.

The role of a psychologist is to help people with mental health conditions as well as other general life challenges. It is a position of responsibility.

A doctoral psychologist undergoes a huge amount of training to earn their qualification. They usually begin with 4 years of undergraduate study and 4 years of graduate study, followed by additional training and placements.

This article will discuss what a psychologist is, what they can help with, and how to choose one.

Share on Pinterest Image credit: sturti / Getty Images.

A psychologist is a type of doctor who specializes in mental health challenges.

Psychologists use a background in general science and the behavioral and neurosciences to help people pinpoint the reason they think, feel, or behave in a certain way.

From there, they will work toward finding the underlying cause or trigger. The psychologist can then help the person work through their problems and change their behaviors if they need to.

Psychologists work with people from a range of backgrounds and personal histories. Some are more general in their practice, while others specialize in certain areas.

A person may seek a psychologist’s help for various reasons. Reasons may be long-term, such as chronic depression, or short-term, such as grief.

Other examples include helping people cope with:

Some psychologists specialize or have experience in particular fields of study. A person should check to see if the psychologist has prior experience of the concern that they are seeking treatment for.

A good psychologist will be competent in their field and provide high quality therapy.

The American Psychological Association (APA) suggest that a good psychologist will consider a person’s:

A doctoral psychologist should carry a relevant license, having completed doctoral level training and placement.

Some states may recognize certain credentials, while others will not. This is something to check before choosing a psychologist, as their qualification may not be valid locally.

A psychologist who works well for one person may not have the same result with another. When choosing a psychologist, there are professional and personal factors that people should consider.

An effective psychologist will be able to work with a person’s individual needs, including the problem itself and how they deliver treatment.

Approaches

There are different approaches that a psychologist may use depending on the issue.

Choosing a psychologist with experience in the relevant field will increase the chance of a therapy plan working. This will partly depend on the type of treatment a person would like to undergo.

A psychologist may use consultations alone or include other methods, such as medication or hypnotherapy. However, it is important to note that psychologists cannot prescribe drugs in all states.

Relationship

A person must feel completely comfortable with their psychologist for the therapy to be effective. Having a good relationship makes it easier to open up about sensitive topics.

A psychologist may work in private practice or as part of another workplace. For example, a school or college campus may have a psychologist on site, and they often work in general hospitals.

Costs

Treatment fees vary depending on the healthcare environment and factors such as insurance.

Some health insurance companies cover mental health treatment, but this is not always the case. It is important to check an insurance policy to see if it covers psychological therapy.

If a person does not have health insurance, the psychologist may charge using a sliding scale fee policy. This means that they alter the fees depending on the person’s income.

Children’s brains are constantly developing, and there are many reasons that a person may take a child to see a psychologist. Whatever the situation, a child psychologist plays an important role.

It is essential to check the area that a child psychologist specializes in before starting treatment with them.

For example, a child psychologist may specialize in:

  • developmental child psychology
  • abnormal child psychology
  • adolescent psychology

These categories rely on different areas of competence and skill.

A developmental child psychologist will specialize in more typical situations, such as cognitive development, while an abnormal child psychologist will work with less common issues, such as mental health conditions. Adolescent psychologists will work with children aged 12–18 years.

Having an initial consultation will allow a person to see if they “click” with their psychologist. This is a good time to ask the more technical questions about the therapy.

The following are some things a person may wish to do during the initial consultation:

  1. Check what qualifications the psychologist holds. Also, make sure that they are state licensed.
  2. Ask the psychologist about their experience and interest within the field. This will make it easier to see if they are the right fit for the person.
  3. Enquire about fees. Check how much treatment will cost and whether or not insurance will cover it.
  4. Find out what the treatment plan involves. Is the therapy entirely consultation-based, or does the psychologist include any other techniques?

Do not be afraid to ask questions that seem uncomfortable. It is better to be confident in a psychologist and their ability from the start than to realize a mistake after the therapy has begun.

A psychologist can help with many problems. It may be a good idea to seek help if a person is experiencing extreme levels of:

A good indicator of when to seek help is if a mental health challenge is affecting a person’s daily activities, such as their sleep or work.

There are different areas that a psychologist may specialize in, such as child, cognitive, or behavioral psychology.

When finding a psychologist, a person should choose someone who has experience in the area they are looking for help with. It is also vital to establish a good connection with the psychologist, as they will need to understand personal details so they can help.

It is a good idea to ask plenty of questions in the first session with a psychologist. This will lower the chance of any unpleasant surprises, such as unexpected fees, later on.


Where Do Cognitive Behavioral Therapists Work?

Cognitive behavioral therapists can secure employment at a wide range of facilities. But this really depends on their specialty. Those who work on treating patients will generally find work at a mental health. Cognitive behavioral therapists who teach can find work at universities and while therapists who focus on research can acquire work at research facilities. Depending on the entrepreneurial spirit of the cognitive behavioral therapist, they may choose to start their own private practice. In doing so, they’ll work on analyzing and treating patients and may even serve as consultants during court cases.


Schools and childcare

Unfortunately, continual innovation in the design of schools and classrooms throughout the world is typically not based on evidence, instead reflecting current trends in architecture and design (Lackney, 2005). Much of instructional facility innovation at present is driven by the infusion of information technology into learning environments. Although this practice has some potential benefits, we simply do not know how to train teachers and designers in the use and configuration of learning environments to take advantage of the affordances offered by information technology in schools. This explosion of learning technologies in the West inevitably will be transported to the global South. Yet evidence to date from low-income countries indicates no clear impacts of exposure to computers and other related technologies on children’s academic achievement (Glewwe, Hanushek, Humpage, & Ravina, 2011 Riddell, 2008).

There is a significant body of research investigating the impacts of school quality on children’s school achievement (Evans, 2006 Glewwe et al., 2011 Irwin, Siddiqi & Hertzman, 2007 Riddell, 2008). However, as is true for the work on home environments, little research has specifically investigated the impacts of the physical environment of schools on children’s developmental outcomes, particularly in the global South. Most research in the US and Europe on the physical characteristics of educational settings has focused on open versus traditional plan configurations (Evans, 2006). Because this issue has tangential relevance at best to children throughout most of the world, we focus here instead on school and classroom size the quality of building infrastructure (structural quality, lighting, and indoor climate, and access to electricity, water and sanitation) and access to basic resources (classroom furniture, blackboards, books, computers, laboratories and libraries), as these have the clearest documented impact on children’s school achievement in the global South (Glewwe et al., 2011 Riddell, 2008).

School and classroom size

There is a large body of research on school and classroom size. Because nearly all of this work has been conducted within the US and Western Europe, we do not know what happens when much larger scale schools or bigger classrooms occur. Although there is some variation across regions, primary school pupil-teacher ratios (PTRs) in the global South are typically much higher than those in the global North. For example, compare PTRs of 81:1 (Central African Republic), 76:1 (Malawi), 611 (Chad) and 58:1 (Rwanda) to 18:1 (UK), 14:1 (US) and 13:1 (Germany) (World Bank, 2012). Notably, though, PTRs in East Asia and the Pacific (average: 17.9:1) and Latin America (22:1) are much lower than in South Asia (40:1) and sub-Saharan Africa (42.5:1).

Students in smaller schools in the US and Western Europe perform slightly better on standardized tests and feel more connected to their school (Evans, 2006). There is some evidence that the benefits of smaller school size are greater for low-income children, and for children in lower grades (Woessmann & West, 2006). Similarly, classroom size research yields a relatively consistent picture of small, adverse effects on children in both high- and low-income countries with increasing size (Blatchford, 2003 Ehrenberg, Brewer, Gamoran, & Willms, 2001 Woessmann & West, 2006). For example, in an investigation of linkages between school physical quality and rural Kenyan first grade children’s cognitive functioning and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the number of students per classroom predicted levels of off-task behavior and teachers’ ratings of general behavioral functioning. There is also some evidence that smaller classrooms support more student- as opposed to teacher-directed learning and, similar to school size, are associated with more socially supportive settings (Blatchford, 2003 NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2004).

It is worth noting that both school and classroom size are confounded with crowding. Work on household size and density shows that the critical variable is density, not family size (Evans, 2006). Insufficient work exists to tease apart school/class size from crowding.

Physical quality

A surprisingly large number of school spaces for American children are in disrepair. In a 2000 survey of school principals in 32 countries in both the global North and South, nearly 30% of US principals noted that the quality of their school’s buildings and grounds impacted student learning, and almost 40% noted the same for available instructional space (Ahlehfeld, 2007). Estimates were much higher for the majority of other participating countries, including the United Kingdom, Norway, Turkey, Uruguay and the Slovak Republic. In the global South, the majority of rural schools in particular have inadequate building facilities, including a lack of finished flooring (Glewwe et al., 2011 Riddell, 2008). In many countries, half to two thirds of schools lack electricity, water, and basic sanitation facilities (UNICEF, 2010). For example, the 2005 UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report found that just 39% of classrooms in Senegal had sanitation facilities, and even fewer (33%) had access to drinking water.

One important limitation in most work on educational settings and student achievement, however, is over-reliance on school professionals’ ratings of building quality. Since teachers and administrators are well aware of children’s achievement profiles in their own schools and are themselves likely affected by building quality, the potential for spurious associations in this measurement approach is considerable. However, assessments of building quality conducted by independent raters (e.g., structural engineers) have also been consistently associated with standardized test scores (Evans, 2006). Further strengthening these conclusions are several studies comparing performance before and after building improvements (Evans, 2006). In two recent studies utilizing the New York City school facilities building quality database, Duran-Narucki (2008) showed that the significant association between these expert rating measures of school building quality and academic achievement in elementary school children was largely mediated by attendance. Moreover children in New York City primary schools with higher rates of student mobility suffer even worse achievement outcomes as a function of substandard school facilities (Evans, Yoo, & Sipple, 2010).

Given that nearly all of the research on school facility quality and student performance emanates from wealthy countries where the range of school quality is truncated, this is an area of particular importance to examine in the global South where the range of quality is considerably broader. And, in fact, improvements in the physical structure of schools in the global South do appear to positively impact students’ test scores (Glewwe et al., 2011). However, the research to date in this area is very tentative, and typically the schools being compared have multiple factors that differ in quality, making it difficult to clearly identify individual influences on children’s outcomes.

In a recent meta-analysis of the research to date on the impact of school quality, including both physical and psychosocial factors, on children’s school achievement in low-income countries, Glewwe et al. (2011) found that there appears to be good evidence for the impact of access to electricity on children’s educational outcomes. And, in their investigation of the relations between school physical quality and rural Kenyan first grade children’s cognitive functioning and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the availability of natural light (in schools without electricity) predicted students’ test scores. In high-income countries, where lighting is typically sufficient, research has focused more on potential benefits of exposure to natural light. Although the work on natural light exposure and children’s health and performance is limited, some rigorous work suggesting the potential importance of natural light for young children has been conducted in Sweden (Küller & Lindsten, 1992). These investigators found evidence for the importance of sufficient natural light exposure for primary school children’s well being during periods of the year when daylight hours are limited.

In North America, upper respiratory infections, asthma and allergies are the most common cause of primary school absenteeism and have been routinely linked to exposure to mold and other allergens as well as ambient pollutants inside both schools and children’s homes (EPA, 2003). Poorly maintained heating and ventilation systems as well as low levels of indoor:outdoor air exchange exacerbate these adverse indoor climate impacts on children (Evans, 2006). Although work in this area in the global South is limited, similar impacts of poor quality ventilation and heating would be expected.

Consistent with the bioecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998), in addition to focusing on the direct effects of school setting physical conditions on children themselves, it is important to keep in mind that substandard working conditions influence labor satisfaction and retention, and the same holds true for teachers. Several studies have shown that poor quality school physical conditions adversely influence teacher satisfaction and retention (Buckley et al., 2004).

Resources

In the global South, there is some evidence that access to basic resources in school environments, such as a sufficient number of desks, tables and chairs access to blackboards access to textbooks and other books and the availability of a school library all impact children’s school achievement (Glewwe et al., 2011 Riddell, 2008). However, frequently these physical environment factors are correlated with each other and with other physical and psychosocial factors such as class size, building quality and teacher training, and so it can be difficult to clearly identify key factors impacting child outcomes. In addition, the mechanism explaining learning outcomes is somewhat unclear perhaps the availability of these resources partly signals a commitment on the part of the school administration and relevant local and national government agencies to quality education (Glewwe et al., 2011). Nevertheless, a number of carefully controlled studies across multiple contexts document the importance of having a desk, chair and textbook per student. For example, in their investigation of the relations between school physical quality and rural Kenyan first grade children’s cognitive functioning and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the number of books per student independently predicted standardized test scores.

In preschool and childcare settings across the global South, there is a growing interest in improving the quality of both physical and psychosocial environments for children (Engle et al., 2007 Hyde & Kabiru, 2003 Irwin et al., 2007 Myers, 1992 van der Gaag & Tan, 1998). And, indeed, the most commonly used assessment of the quality of childcare environments, the Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale (ECERS, Harms, Clifford & Cryer, 1998), includes two rating scales that assess children’s interactions with the physical environment: Space and Furnishings and Activities (which includes both the availability of learning materials and their use). However, although a significant body of research in the United States indicates an association between childcare quality and children’s cognitive and socioemotional outcomes (e.g., Sylva et al., 2006), there is little research that considers the impact of the physical environment directly.

There is almost no work documenting the impact of the quality of childcare environments on children’s developmental outcomes in the global South. However, as part of a preschool intervention program in rural Bangladesh, Moore, Akhter and Aboud (2008) implemented a series of changes, including increasing the availability of learning materials for reading and mathematical problem-solving. They found that preschool scores on the Activities subsection of the ECERS-R increased, and that children’s cognitive outcomes and school readiness improved. However, it should be noted that the Activities subscale does not separate the availability of learning materials from their use. In addition, many researchers in the global South debate the applicability of the ECERS-R in evaluating childcare and preschool quality in non-Western contexts (Aboud, 2006 Moore et al., 2008).


How Income Inequality Affects Crime Rates

The connection between income inequality and crime rate is a subject that has baffled many social scientists, economists, and even those in the legal and justice systems. This is because of recent developments in the directions of these two issues: in the United States, for instance, crime rate has been on a decline since the 1960s. On the other hand, since the 1970s, income inequality has been soaring.

Experts cite factors such as differences in monetary valuation over time (with references to inflation, purchasing power, consumer price index), and the faster expansion in wealth distribution gap in the last few years.

On the enforcement side, expansion and modernization of the police force, improved apprehension system, stricter implementation of punishments, changes in legal and justice systems, and general advancements in education, values and societal norms and conducts account for the lesser crime rate. There are also negative factors involved such as low crime reporting and undocumented offenses.

Income Inequality as Determinant of Crime Rate

How big is income inequality or financial deprivation as a determinant of crime rate? In studies where economic data are isolated and solely used, the connection seems to be overwhelming.

In a 2002 study by World Bank economists Pablo Fajnzylber, Daniel Lederman, and Norman Loayza, it was found out that crime rates and inequality are positively correlated within countries and also between countries. The correlation is a causation &ndash inequality induces crime rates.

This finding is parallel with the theory on crime by American economist Gary Becker, who pronounces that an increase in income inequality has a big and robust effect of increasing crime rates. Not only that, but a country&rsquos economic growth (GDP rate) has significant impact in lessening incidence of crimes. Since reduction in income inequality gap and a richer economy has an alleviating effect on poverty level, it implies that poverty alleviation has a crime-reducing effect.

The analysis may have been made clearer and simplified. The problem now lies on the two factors being able to produce the desired effects that are poverty alleviation and lesser crime rate. Reality presents the people with shaky economic growth and worsening income inequality.

The U.S., which ranks 3rd among the most income-unequal nations, and the worst in terms of income gap growth, also has the largest percentage of its population in prison among industrialized democratic nations. Is it a mere coincidence or does it reflect the social ills that a big wealth disparity and overt rich-poor distinction brings?

Wealth Gaps and Crime Rate

In the 2010 International Statistics on Crime and Justice report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), datasets show that globally, violent (murder, homicide, assault, rape, robbery) and property crimes (theft, robbery, arson) have taken different directions. While property crimes generally decreased, violent crimes have increased but on a lesser pace.

The highest homicide levels are found in the Americas and Africa region, with the lowest homicide levels generally in countries in Europe. Majority of countries that provided trend data show decreasing or stable homicide rates. However, the Latin Americas show high and increasing rates, and these are linked to prevalence of organized crime, gang activities, and drug trafficking.

The U.S. reports a continuous decrease in crime rates in the last 4 years for violent crimes (murder, homicide, rape, robbery) and 8 years for property crimes (burglary, theft, arson). Nationwide in 2010, there were an estimated 1,246,248 violent crimes, with robbery accounting for 29.4 percent of this category, costing $532 million in total, or an average loss of $1,258 per victim. Property crime numbered at 9,082,887.

Homicide. The same UNODC report showed that the 2012 worldwide rate for intentional homicide, or the unlawful death purposefully inflicted on a person by another person, was at 6.9, or 7 out of every 100,000 population.

There is low homicide levels in countries from Europe, Asia, and North America, which correspond to these regions&rsquo criminal justice and public health data. In contrast, both criminal justice and public health data show significantly higher rates in South America, Central America, the Caribbean, and Southern Africa.

Murder. In the offense of murder, income inequality and crime level can be noted as reciprocal in trend. Again, countries in the high income inequality belt in the African region, Honduras (91.6), El Salvador (69.2), Jamaica (52.2), Belize (41.4) and South America (Venezuela 45.1) have the highest rates per 100,000 population, while countries in Europe (Monaco 0, Iceland 0.3, Norway 0.6), Oceania (Palau 0), Eastern Asia (Hong Kong 0.2, Singapore 0.3) have the lowest.

Per country, Mexico which ranks worst in income inequality has a very high 22.7 rate, compared to the U.S. with a much lower rate of 4.8. Here, enforcement, law and justice systems, among others, come into play.

Rape. The same connection is seen in the incidence of rape, which is considered the most under-reported violent crime. Compilations of United Nations reports from 65 countries showed that over 250,000 cases of rape or attempted rape were recorded by the police annually. Varying definitions of this crime also lessen the reports and documentation for this crime.

South Africa leads the world with the worst income inequality and highest rape incidence at 500,000 annually. In the US, despite a 60 percent decline since 1993, it still has a higher rate of rape cases when compared to other developed countries. Prevalence of prison rape is seen as a factor.

It is also interesting to note that Sweden, which has a good performance in income inequality mitigation, registered the highest incidence of rape in Europe, and among the highest in the world, with 46 rape cases per 100,000 in 2009 (twice that of the U.K. and four times the rate of Nordic countries, Germany and France. Swedish authorities cited the manner of reporting as the reason for the high documentation since the country has a broader legal definition of rape and a firm policy to register all suspected cases.)

Robbery. As differentiated from theft, it also included mugging, bag-snatching and theft with violence. This crime was most common in the Americas (Latin America and Caribbean) with a rate of 21 percent. The 35 countries included in the UNODC report showed increasing rate of robbery parallel to an increase in assault over a 10-year period. Robbery and assault are among the most commonly reported crimes in neighborhoods and communities that are predominantly poor.

While there are varying determinants, when it comes to economic factors, a parallel direction can be clearly seen on a global and per-nation analysis. Places with high income inequality have higher incidence of crime and people living in poorer communities with majority of population among low income earners are exposed to more crimes.

Likewise, the consistency displayed by income inequality and crime rate levels show that people and places considered as lower in economic and social class have higher crime rates than wealthier groups.

The Role of Income Inequality Reduction

Reducing crime rate is a heavy load not only for law enforcers but also for the community. Important improvements in law enforcement and justice system keep the prevalence of crimes at bay, instilling the fear of punishment and apprehension consequences that deter aggressors and offenders from committing criminal acts.

These, however, do not provide the motivation to change ways. The will and intent to become productive and contributing members of society can be provided by actions addressing income inequality. Solutions like better wages, job security and availability, better access to self-development programs, and family support services will help eradicate desperation that lead most income-deprived people to commit crimes, and move them to aspire for a better way of life.

Where income inequality is concerned, efforts at reducing income gap will provide the long-term solutions to the crime problem, both within the poor and unsecured neighborhoods as well as to crimes targeted at richer residents.

Addressing the problem of income inequality will complement efforts by the law and justice system to bring about crime rate reduction, resulting to a safer, more peaceful and more orderly communities.


Death and Dying

Figure 12. How people think about death, approach death, and cope with death vary depending on many factors. Photo Courtesy Robert Paul Young

The study of death and dying is seldom given the amount of coverage it deserves. Of course, there is a certain discomfort in thinking about death, but there is also a certain confidence and acceptance that can come from studying death and d ying. Factors such as age, religion, and culture play important roles in attitudes and approaches to death and dying. There are different types of death: physiological, psychological, and social. The most common causes of death vary with age, gender, race, culture, and time in history. Dying and grieving are processes and may share certain stages of reactions to loss. There are interesting examples of cultural variations in death rituals, mourning, and grief. The concept of a “good death” is described as including personal choices and the involvement of loved ones throughout the process. Palliative care is an approach to maintain dying individuals’ comfort level, and hospice is a movement and practice that involves professional and volunteer care and loved ones. Controversy surrounds euthanasia (helping a person fulfill their wish to die)—active and passive types, as well as physician-assisted suicide, and legality varies within the United States.

Try It

Think It Over

Think about your own development. Which period or stage of development are you in right now? Are you dealing with similar issues and experiencing comparable physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development as described above? If not, why not? Are important aspects of development missing and if so, are they common for most of your cohort or unique to you?


Watch the video: Μελι: Ποιά η διατροφική του αξία; (May 2022).